FOR ALMOST ten months after Russia invaded Ukraine on February twenty fourth, Volodymyr Zelensky, Ukraine’s president, didn’t go away his nation. Instead overseas dignitaries got here to him. The leaders of Britain, France and Germany, in addition to America’s secretaries of state and defence, all made the pilgrimage to the presidential workplace in Kyiv, the place Mr Zelensky had given up his go well with and tie for a wardrobe of drab hoodies and, with reluctance, flak jackets. Not till December twenty first did Mr Zelensky cross his nation’s borders, to journey to the capital of his most vital ally. In his few hours in Washington, DC, he met with President Joe Biden, addressed a joint assembly of each chambers of Congress and sought to shore up assist from America in an more and more bitter winter struggle.
At the White House he obtained a red-carpet welcome from Mr Biden, who known as him a “great leader” and informed him Ukrainians continued to “inspire the world”. Mr Biden pledged to maintain strengthening Ukraine’s skill to defend itself, significantly its air defence, and introduced an additional $1.85bn in safety help for Ukraine. He confused America would stick with Ukraine “for as long as it takes”. Mr Zelensky, wearing his olive-green wartime uniform, expressed heartfelt gratitude for American assist—and made it clear he can be asking for extra.
In Congress, Mr Zelensky was greeted with a chronic standing ovation (the primary of many). His stirring speech didn’t disappoint. The Ukrainian president spoke in English, and to “all Americans”, to thank them and guarantee them that Ukraine was “alive and kicking”. He summoned up the spirit of the American revolution and the second world struggle to specific confidence in Ukraine’s “war of independence” and its “absolute victory”. Just the day before today Mr Zelensky had visited the entrance line at Bakhmut, within the Donbas area, and as a present to Congress he introduced with him a Ukrainian flag, signed by troopers. In return he was offered with an American flag that had flown over the Capitol on the day of his speech. His hope is that Congress, within the season of goodwill, will present rather more: he described American support as “an investment in global security” that Ukraine handles “in the most responsible way”.
Ukraine has already obtained some $50bn in support this 12 months from America, $23bn of it navy and the remaining financial and monetary. Ukraine’s armed forces depend on American ammunition and armoured automobiles within the subject, and on American anti-aircraft missiles to defend their cities from Russian bombardment. With its financial system taking a beating, Ukraine’s authorities is dependent upon assist from America and European allies to cowl its price range deficit. Congress is scheduled to vote shortly on an additional support package deal of greater than $44bn, deliberate to hold the nation by the course of 2023.
But the timing of Mr Zelensky’s go to might have extra to do with the political transition beneath means after America’s newest legislative election. The House of Representatives will shift from Democratic to Republican management in January. Aid to Ukraine enjoys assist from almost all Democrats and most Republicans, however the GOP features a vocal minority of far-right isolationists. Kevin McCarthy, a Republican operating to turn out to be speaker of the House, has stated that Ukraine ought to now not get a “blank cheque”.
Mr Biden’s new package deal of American navy support contains kits for turning Ukraine’s unguided bombs into precision-guided ones (generally known as the Joint Direct Attack Munition, or JDAM). More vital, America will for the primary time ship Ukraine its top-of-the-line Patriot air-defence system, a functionality the nation has begged for. Patriots would considerably enhance Ukraine’s skill to shoot down the cruise missiles with which Russia has been demolishing its electrical energy grid, and would give it a vastly higher likelihood of capturing down ballistic missiles as effectively.
Ukraine’s armed forces nonetheless have extra gadgets on their want checklist. Mr Zelensky’s generals say that Russia’s military has tailored to their use of American HIMARS rocket-launching programs by conserving their logistical and ammunition storage factors farther again behind the entrance strains. To hit them, Ukraine would wish longer-range rockets for its HIMARS, generally known as ATACMS. The Pentagon has thus far declined to offer these for concern that they might be used to strike targets inside Russia, which the Kremlin would view as a severe provocation. Asked about this by a Ukrainian journalist on Wednesday, Mr Biden hinted that offering longer-range weapons may threat splitting the alliance.
Ukraine has additionally insistently requested Western tanks to assist it reconquer the remainder of the territory at present occupied by Russian forces. That request, too, has gone unmet. In an interview with The Economist earlier this month, Valery Zaluzhny, Ukraine’s prime common, stated that he wanted “tanks, APCs [armoured personnel carriers], and…ammunition” to hold his forces by an anticipated Russian offensive this winter.
Such requests are straightforward sufficient to make in a cellphone name or teleconference. General Zaluzhny is in frequent contact with America’s prime generals, and Mr Zelensky and his senior employees with the State Department and White House. But the pageantry of a presidential go to in wartime has huge diplomatic worth. Mr Zelensky’s journey—by safe practice to the border, then from the Polish metropolis of Rzeszow in an American navy transport to Andrews Air Force Base in Virginia—reminds Western audiences of the drama of wartime management. And it’s a poignant means of thanking Ukraine’s most vital backer.
In Washington, DC, the Ukrainian chief’s presence helps to focus politicians’ minds. The go to “adds a sense of urgency, a buzz, that is so much more effective than a Zoom call,” says Bill Taylor, a former American ambassador to Ukraine. Diplomacy is a type of present enterprise with far graver stakes. As a former tv star, Mr Zelensky has been adept at interesting to overseas politicians remotely; his gruff visage has already commanded screens within the legislatures of many of the West’s capitals, together with Washington, DC. He has deftly tailor-made his message to his viewers, with Churchillian cadences for the British (“We shall fight in the woods, in the fields, on the beaches”) and references to Mount Rushmore and Pearl Harbour for the Americans. All this has been extremely efficient in serving to to maintain assist for Ukraine and its struggle effort.
Now Congress has had an opportunity to expertise his act in individual. Joint periods of Congress present loads of alternative for political theatre. They don’t occur typically. Mr Zelensky’s is just the twelfth up to now ten years, and absolutely a 3rd of these have concerned Ukrainians. (These embrace an look by a earlier president, Petro Poroshenko, in 2014; Mr Zelensky’s digital session in March; and a speech by his spouse, Olena, who visited Washington in July.)
The standing ovations ship a robust sign: Jens Stoltenberg, NATO’s secretary-general, additionally obtained a lot of them when he spoke to a joint session in 2019 to mark the alliance’s seventieth anniversary, at a time when, beneath Donald Trump’s presidency, America’s dedication to the alliance was in some doubt. And they’re a chance to ship a transparent message. Mr Stoltenberg’s was easy and memorable: “It’s good to have friends.” Mr Zelensky can definitely vouch for that.■
Editor’s word (December twenty second): This story has been up to date to incorporate particulars of President Zelensky’s go to.
